Swat at the mercy of militants

Monday, 27 Apr, 2009

By Anees Jillani

It takes an hour and a half to get to Mardan from Islamabad, that is if one takes the M-1, and another two and a half hours to Mingora and Saidu Sharif, the capital of Swat.

I drove to Swat after the National Assembly unanimously endorsed the Nizam-e-Adl Regulation 2009 on April 14, which was then signed immediately by President Zardari. The resolution, passed without any debate in the assembly, was opposed only by the MQM which chose to walk out, and by a lone PML-N member, Ayaz Amir, elected from Chakwal. The PPP and the ANP agreed to the regulation with the hope that it would bring peace to the valley.

And there was peace while I was there. The bazaars were buzzing with activity till the wee hours and people seemed both happy and relieved, but not a single female was visible anywhere, either in the markets or elsewhere in the valley. A few Taliban were seen carrying small canes instead of the more familiar Kalashnikovs. The police was conspicuous by its absence, except for perhaps two officers who were trying to clear traffic jams. The army was not present either but their bunkers were perched on tops of many hills and rooftops, with guns peering from behind sandbags.

There is hardly any police station or check-post left in the valley. Almost all major buildings stand destroyed or damaged. And as one steps outside Mingora, particularly in the small town of Kanju, every second house is scarred by gunshots. The most depressing aspect, however, is the systematic destruction of schools — more than 200 are said to have been destroyed — and this is not confined to girls’ schools. A few tent schools have been set up at some locations but a vast majority of children have nowhere to go. All key hospitals have been ransacked by militants — everything from beds to medicines have been taken away to furnish healthcare facilities for their compatriots.

The agreement signed by the Frontier’s ANP-led provincial government with the TNSM on Feb 17, 2009 must be credited for the present peace. However, it stipulates implementation of Sharia in Malakand division, which encompasses more than one-third of the NWFP. The treaty, known as the Malakand Accord, also calls for the withdrawal of the Pakistan Army from Swat, the release of Taliban prisoners and withdrawal of criminal cases registered against the Taliban and their leaders.

The Swat valley was made a part of Pakistan by President Yahya Khan on July 28, 1969 and constitutes a major portion of Malakand division. On July 1, 1970, the State of Swat became a part of the NWFP through the Province of West Pakistan (Dissolution) Order. This status continues except that Article 246(b) of the Constitution of Pakistan, enacted in 1973, declares the former State of Swat to fall under Pata.

The valley consists of more than 8,788 square kilometres with a population of more than three million. It is one of the most beautiful areas of Pakistan and was once a major tourist attraction for local holidaymakers. But except for the ski resort at Malam Jabba, which incidentally has been blown up, it attracted few foreigners even in the now seemingly remote days of peace. Nevertheless, quite a few domestic tourists flocked to Kalam, 100 kilometres from Saidu Sharif, and situated at about 6,800 feet.

Tragically, the present turmoil has destroyed all such means of employment for the area’s residents who are now at the mercy of militants even for their livelihood. There is hardly any industry in the region, except for a few cosmetics factories that moved there because of the district’s Pata status which exempts it from income tax, and partly from sales tax as well.

While I was in Swat, Maulana Sufi Mohammad of the TNSM, which was outlawed by Gen Musharraf on Jan 12, 2002, addressed a public meeting in Mingora. The cleric was sentenced on April 24, 2002 to 10 years’ imprisonment for inciting people to cross over into Afghanistan and fight US forces. He also violated state restrictions by addressing a public meeting in Mingora. The maulana’s son-in-law, Fazlullah, is the head of militants fighting the state in the area.

The top cleric of the TNSM pronounced democracy to be un-Islamic in that public rally, said that the high courts and the Supreme Court consist of non-believers, and added that only those who know Sharia could be appointed as judges. He said that verdicts of the Swat Sharia courts could not be challenged in high courts or in the Supreme Court. Sufi also wants a Darul Qaza established at the divisional level as the ‘apex’ court and has also handed the government a deadline in this connection.

While the impasse continues, the militants have assumed control of a vast area in the neighbouring district of Buner. Private property is being seized and plundered, and the youth are being both harassed and enticed to join the Taliban. The question of laying down arms does not arise as the Taliban believe that the Sharia does not allow them to relent if a government, be it in Pakistan or Afghanistan, continues anti-Muslim policies. In actual fact, the current ‘peace’ is being used by the radicals to consolidate their hold.

The people of these underdeveloped areas are depressed, and have lost all faith in law-enforcement agencies. The rulers and the ruling classes fail to realise that the masses must have a stake in the system and the country. If they are deprived of fundamental rights such as food, roads, electricity, jobs, education, healthcare, and security, what purpose does this system serve for them? Is it at all surprising then that, given their daily battles for survival, who rules Saidu Sharif, Peshawar or Islamabad is of very little consequence? The writer is a freelance columnist and an advocate of the Supreme Court of Pakistan.

aJ@jillani.org
Courtesy: DAWN